Bureaucratic Opposition. Challenging Abuses at the Workplace by Deena Weinstein

By Deena Weinstein

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Even if each person could affix relative values to the various costs and benefits of opposition, such calculations would be meaningful only for the moment and might be altered drastically with changing circumstances. When a leader of a bureaucratic opposition in a grounds department was asked about how he was able to handle his concern about losing his job if he participated in an effort to change a demeaning policy, he responded: "I was very concerned about keeping my job. I needed it greatly.

10. 'Sore Throat'" Chicago (38) Herbert A. Simon, "On the Concept of Organizational Goal," Administrative Science Quarterly 7, #1 (June, 1964), 20. (39) Charles K. Warriner, "The Problems of Organizational Purpose," Sociological Quarterly 6, //2 (Spring, 1965), 141. (40) Friedrich Baerwald, "Humanism and Social Ambivalence," Thought XLII, #167 (Winter, 1967), 554. (41) Edward Gross, "The Definition of Organization Journal of Sociology XX, # 3 (September, 1969), 284. Goals," British (42) Nicholas von Hoffman, "Witness for the Betrayal," Chicago Tribune (November 25, 1975), section 2, p.

The utilitarian theories assume knowledge of abuse and a considered decision about whether to a c t . However, a t least some people are "blind t o " or fail to see any abuse, and therefore fail to a c t . Many theories of falsified or distorted knowledge and conception have tried to account for such blindness. Those concerned with why people do not believe or know what seems to be so obvious to others have coined t e r m s such as happy consciousness, bad faith, false consciousness, repression, mystification, and viciously acquired naivete to describe this phenomenon.

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